Reader Reviews

Review by John Enright

Faith, Politics and Belonging by Ian Geary

Review by John Enright

This is an eclectic collection of essays which is ambitious in its scope and which raises some challenging and occasionally uncomfortable questions about what it means to be a Christian and a supporter of the Labour party. Ian has certainly drawn upon a wealth of sources and there are quotes from many historic and contemporary figures ranging from Keir Hardie, the first Labour leader, to Maurice Glasman, the founder of Blue Labour.

In my view he makes a persuasive case that the Labour movement must rediscover its Christian roots if it is to rise above arid managerialism and electoralism and offer a compelling vision to voters. Ian argues that social liberalism on the left and economic liberalism on the right have both to a large extent failed and that we are now in a ‘post-liberal’ era. In this new era a new political alignment may be emerging and within the movement Blue Labour has a key role to play in the debate.

It is clear that for Ian his Christian faith underpins and inspires his politics - as I expect it does for all of us who are Christians on the Left. At times there are tensions and conflicts between the two but he does not shy away from pointing out ‘awkward truths’ and asking ‘difficult questions’. For me, there were three areas that stood out in this respect and these are Catholic Social Teaching, Assisted Dying, and the possibility of friendship across the political divide.

Catholic Social Teaching, a key theme in the book, has been an important influence in Blue Labour. Yet, as Ian says, if this tradition is written off then you ‘overlook oceans of wisdom’. Discounting this tradition in his view is a ‘profound tragedy’ and the centre-left needs ‘fresh thinking as the traditional orthodoxies are proving to be hollow and empty’. As he points out the concept of the Living Wage was ‘informed by a Catholic Christian commitment to a family wage’. As a Catholic I would wholeheartedly agree with Ian’s perspective and indeed a parish priest once said to me, possibly with a tinge of sadness, that the Labour party and the Catholic Church should be ‘natural allies’.

Kim Leadbeater MP has recently introduced an Assisted Dying Bill in the Commons which is similar to legislation proposed a decade ago. The earlier Bill is discussed by Ian in his essay ‘Foolishness to Greeks’ and the case he makes for opposing the legislation still applies today as much as it did in 2014: ‘Certainly, we should not condemn those who support it (the Bill) through genuine desperation and compassion. But we should resolutely oppose any moves to bring in a law on assisted dying, for its very existence is a feature of a society that has given up on God, the common life, and ordinary people.’

In an age of social media with polarised and sometimes toxic opinions it is refreshing to read in his essay ‘Bring Back the Three Rs’ that it would be ‘un-Labour-like’ and ‘un-neighbourly’ to avoid making friends with a Conservative. As Ian observes ‘God is a relational god and rooting our approach in a wholesome and graceful relational approach would avoid some of the barbarity that seems to define contemporary discourse.’

In the final section of the book (‘Belonging’) Ian argues that ‘attachment to place’ is becoming increasingly important and this was a major factor in Brexit, especially for working class voters. Although he was concerned at the time that the issue was being ‘neglected and left unpacked’, the success of the Labour party at the last general election might suggest that lessons have been or at least are beginning to be learned. Certainly, if one goes back to the report by John Cruddas on the reasons for Labour’s defeat in 2015 it is more difficult to argue that the party is ‘losing connection with large parts of the voter population’.

My own personal favourite of Ian’s essays is ‘The Underdog” which is an article about the classic 1946 film ‘It’s a Wonderful Life’. This essay is quite different to the others in that it draws together the main themes of the book in a way which is original and profoundly human. As Ian says, ‘At Christmas time, I like to be reminded that my worth is not defined by my economic utility or achievement but has been forever changed because an extraordinary event occurred to very ordinary people two-thousand years ago – and that has changed my life.’

A collection of essays by the same author necessarily has its limitations and there is naturally some overlap with references over the years to the same themes and sources. Having said that, I enjoyed reading Ian’s book and I feel he has made a thoughtful contribution to an important ongoing debate within the Labour movement. The questions he asks may not be well received in some quarters but he should be respected for his honesty and courage in raising them.

John is a retired civil servant and a member of Christians on the Left. He is an active member of his local Catholic church.

Review by Rob Wickham

‘Faith, Politics and Belonging does what it says on the tin! Ian reminds us that, when we consider a holistic human flourishing, the individual and corporate and the personal and interpersonal are all connected. We are reminded that it is God, out of generosity, who decides to pitch his tent amongst us, making sacred both time, space and place.  This collection of essays reinforces that a political and theological lens is required, when reflecting on the nature of relationships and identity, and this encompasses every aspect of contemporary cultures of their day, past, present and future.  Not to be read cover to cover, but each chapter to be savoured and reflected upon, perhaps even as a devotional accompaniment to a daily dialogue with scripture.’

The Right Reverend Rob Wickham

Group Chief Executive, Church Urban Fund

Review by Andrew Bradstock

Faith, Politics and Belonging by Ian Geary. Resource Publications. P/b £23.

978-1-6667-7797-0

Ian Geary is a leading light in ‘Blue Labour’, a political movement blending a ‘progressive’ commitment to greater economic equality with the more ‘conservative’ values of personal loyalty, family, community, and locality.

Ten years ago, Geary co-edited a collection of essays introducing the movement. Now, in this collection of talks and articles written since, he shares his personal reflections on Blue Labour’s approach to politics, grounded in his long experience at Westminster, and deep commitment as an evangelical Christian.

For Geary, economic and social liberalism have run their course, and politics, whether left or right, must acknowledge the ‘more conservative instincts of British people’ on issues such as marriage, family life, Europe, and immigration. What is needed, in fact, is a new political space beyond left and right, where pursuit of the common good trumps ‘narrow, liberal, metropolitan concerns,’ and ethical and religious insights are welcomed and valued.

Geary’s critique of the twin evils of ‘metropolitan liberal progressivism’ and ‘aggressive secularism’ are robust and uncompromising. But he is also positive and hope-ful, believing that Christian theology has much to offer political discourse and the pursuit of the common good. In fact, it is what politics needs: ‘Politics without God’, he writes, ‘is a real danger and a dangerous reality’.

There is much here to challenge, inspire, and encourage all with an interest in politics, especially an active one. Geary’s conversational, straight-talking style is engaging, as is his willingness to share his own personal story. His reflections on early Christian socialists such as Hardie and Lansbury are timely. But there are weaknesses, too. In a collection of short, stand-alone chapters, there is inevitably repetition, and greater development of some of Geary’s ideas would have been welcome, as would some rigorous editing.

Andrew Bradstock is a former URC Secretary for Church and Society.

Reform, issue 2, 2025, page 52

Review by Chris Wilson

Ian Geary’s collection of essays, Faith, Politics and Belonging, will be of interest to all those wishing to explore ethical socialism. He offers insight and challenge, writing with clear sincerity from the perspective of a Blue Labour partisan.

The book is divided into three sections – headed by each of the three words in the book’s title – with an afterword by former Labour MP Jon Cruddas. Secular socialists might be tempted to focus only on the last two – ‘Politics’ and ‘Belonging’ – but that would be a mistake. Geary’s lively evangelical faith (deriving from the Salvation Army, and drawing on theologians such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer) informs his analysis and provisional conclusions.

As a fellow Christian socialist, I cannot agree with all of his contentions. His uncritical defence of scripture as the lens through which to view society is – to me – problematic, especially when he writes: “I hold that the Bible is true and sufficient in all matters.”

All texts, including scripture, have a context and most Christians would not argue for such a literalist interpretation. Higher biblical criticism should at least be acknowledged, as well as the whole discipline of contextual theology.

Having said that, Geary rightly observes the quest for biblical imperative, and consequent theological emphasis upon “human flourishing”. His critique of capitalism also resonated, but I was disappointed that, while offering a powerful critique of liberalism, he seems to conclude that little can be done, writing, “while there is no alternative to capitalism, capitalism is no alternative”. So where does that leave us?

I was also disappointed to find only one reference to the Rochdale Pioneers. It would have been good to have had some further consideration of the co-operative movement, not least as co-operation finds favour within the Catholic social teachings that Geary admires.

But perhaps I am being unfair. I greatly enjoyed his chapter on Keir Hardie and discussion about “stirring up divine discontent”. I also thought his concerns about assisted dying are powerful and timely.

Like him, I find it difficult to see how the proposals will not radically change the core values of society and the core business of health care, palliative care and protection of the elderly and vulnerable. His chapter on the issue should be read by anyone interested in the current controversy.

Rights & reflection

I liked his strong advocacy of trade union rights, collective bargaining and having workers on the boards of companies. He rightly identifies the need to reduce the gender pay gap, seeing these issues as rooted in Christian imperatives for social justice as well as his own appreciation of Catholic social teachings. The left has neglected questions of ownership and control of industry and while he says little on the former, his interest in the latter is to be commended and shared.

There is also something for secular readers to learn from his chapter on prayer. Taking time to reflect (if you prefer) is a vital part of effective political praxis. Again, the author is on to something here, but communicating that idea to people who do not share his (and my) faith will always be difficult. Reflection, time out and time alone, really matter. Maybe we can start there.

Geary’s primary identity is as a Christian, but unfortunately this means he embraces Christian Conservatives and Christian Liberal Democrats as allies in a common cause, while his sympathies include Iain Duncan Smith’s Centre for Social Justice as well as Phillip Blond’s Red Tories.

There is more logic, for me, in his sympathy for David Cameron’s notion of the Big Society, although it is not something I share. My Christianity takes me to socialism as the political outworking of the discipleship of Christ, and therefore my allies in that political aspiration are secular socialists, not Conservative Christians.

It’s not always clear from the book what Geary’s socialism means other than improved trade union rights, worthy welfare reforms – such as tax credits and tax breaks for married couples -– and the work of groups such as Christians Against Poverty, Street Pastors and the Evangelical Alliance.

He does reference the Hungarian economist Karl Polanyi and his critique of commodification, acts of “de-sacralisation”, but it’s not clear what Geary’s alternative vision is. I would liked to have read more on alternative Christian economic models.

The author’s belief in the common good is continually underscored, yet he dismisses Acts 2:44-45 as not being about common ownership (disciples holding goods in common) so much as “life in common”. I cannot agree. Early Christians were trialling different economic structures, new ways of living and being in the world; this area too deserves wider debate.

Too romantic

I fear his idea of the working class is also too romantic, particularly the working class of the past with large vibrant trade unions; a strong sense of place, family (and church going); an appreciation of the common good and common sense; and adherence to the idea that the more you pay for benefits the more you should get out. He holds up George Lansbury (pictured left) as a much loved Labour leader who epitomised this era.

I am not convinced that this sense of decency (and solidarity), while certainly held by some, was ever as widespread as he (or I) would sometimes like to wish. The working class was never homogenous (consider religious sectarianism), while in the 1930s, for example, some working class people supported the British Union of Fascists. What’s more, as a pacifist, Lansbury would have been little good against Hitler’s war machine.

I am also puzzled by Geary’s argument that our politicians have become less popular because they are less representative of the working class. The truth is surely more complex. Tony Blair was popular (but middle class); Clement Attlee (educated at Haileybury Public School) was radical. And what about all those working-class Tories? It is not that class doesn’t matter, but do working class origins automatically make someone more socialist? There is no simple class determinism.

Geary argues that liberalism has run its course, and that we need to return to living “in the love of the common people”. This means accepting Brexit, understanding UKIP as a working-class revolt, and – if I have understood correctly – learning, not just from Maurice Glasman (Blue Labour) and Jon Cruddas (Compass), but also Australian Labor leaders such as Kevin Rudd.

A whole chapter is devoted to “woke” ideas and whether the left has deliberately promoted “cultural Marxism” since the end of the Cold War when leftist economic models were questioned. I have heard this view expressed in Christian circles before and I don’t buy it. Nor can I agree that liberalism (whether economic or social) is exhausted. The recent success of the Liberal Democrats suggests otherwise.

That is not to say Geary isn’t right to articulate his key theme – that we find who we are through place, relationships and the traditions which bind us. All these things are valuable. And while liberalism would reduce us to competitive rational individuals, it is socialism that understands identity comes from community.

Geary gets this, and on this point I whole-heartedly agree. I just think we can do better than aim for reformism based on Christian humanism. I still call my vision democratic socialism, a vision rooted in faith but drawing inspiration for its commonality and solidarity from people of all faiths and none.

This review was published on the Independent Labour Publications Website on 25 October 2024 - Faith, Politics & Belonging – Independent Labour Publications